I.
Introduction
Christianity,
the most widely distributed of the world religions, having substantial
representation in all the populated continents of the globe. Its total
membership may exceed 1.7 billion people.
Like
any system of belief and values—be it Platonism, Marxism, Freudianism,
or democracy—Christianity is in many ways comprehensible only "from
the inside," to those who share the beliefs and strive to live by the
values; and a description that would ignore these "inside"
aspects of it would not be historically faithful. To a degree that those
on the inside often fail to recognize, however, such a system of beliefs
and values can also be described in a way that makes sense as well to an
interested observer who does not, or even cannot, share their outlook.
II.
Doctrine and Practice
A
community, a way of life, a system of belief, a liturgical observance, a
tradition—Christianity is all of these, and more. Each of these aspects
of Christianity has affinities with other faiths, but each also bears
unmistakable marks of its Christian origins. Thus, it is helpful, in fact
unavoidable, to examine Christian ideas and institutions comparatively, by
relating them to those of other religions, but equally important to look
for those features that are uniquely Christian.
A.
Central Teachings
Any
phenomenon as complex and as vital as Christianity is easier to describe
historically than to define logically, but such a description does yield
some insights into its continuing elements and essential characteristics.
One such element is the centrality of the person of Jesus
Christ. That centrality is, in one way or another, a feature of all
the historical varieties of Christian belief and practice. Christians have
not agreed in their understanding and definition of what makes Christ
distinctive or unique. Certainly they would all affirm that his life and
example should be followed and that his teachings about love and
fellowship should be the basis of human relations. Large parts of his
teachings have their counterparts in the sayings of the rabbis—that is,
after all, what he was—or in the wisdom of Socrates and Confucius. In
Christian teaching, Jesus cannot be less than the supreme preacher and
exemplar of the moral life, but for most Christians that, by itself, does
not do full justice to the significance of his life and work.
What
is known of Jesus, historically, is told in the Gospels of the New
Testament of the Bible.
Other portions of the New Testament summarize the beliefs of the early
Christian church. Paul and the other writers of Scripture believed that
Jesus was the revealer not only of human life in its perfection but of
divine reality itself. See also Christology.
The
ultimate mystery of the universe, called by many different names in
various religions, was called "Father" in the sayings of Jesus,
and Christians therefore call Jesus himself "Son of God." At the
very least, there was in his language and life an intimacy with God
and an immediacy of access to God, as well as the promise that, through
all that Christ was and did, his followers might share in the life of the
Father in heaven and might themselves become children of God. Jesus' crucifixion
and resurrection,
to which early Christians referred when they spoke about him as the one
who had reconciled humanity to God, made the cross the chief focus of
Christian faith and devotion and the principal symbol of the saving love
of God the Father.
This
love is, in the New Testament and in subsequent Christian doctrine, the
most decisive among the attributes of God. Christians teach that God is
almighty in dominion over all that is in heaven and on earth, righteous in
judgment over good and evil, beyond time and space and change; but above
all they teach that "God is love." The creation of the world out
of nothing and the creation of the human race were expressions of that
love, and so was the coming of Christ. The classic statement of this trust
in the love of God came in the words of Jesus, in the Sermon on the Mount:
"Look at the birds of the air: they neither sow nor reap nor gather
into barns, and yet your heavenly Father feeds them. Are you not of more
value than they?" (Matthew 6:26). Early Christianity found in such
words evidence both of the special standing men and women have as children
of such a heavenly Father and of the even more special position occupied
by Christ. That special position led the first generations of believers to
rank him together with the Father—and eventually "the Holy Spirit,
whom the Father [sent] in [Christ's] name"—in the formula used for
the administration of baptism
and in the several creeds
of the first centuries. After controversy and reflection, that confession
took the form of the doctrine of God as Trinity.
See also Holy
Spirit.
Baptism
"in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy
Spirit," or sometimes perhaps more simply "in the name of
Christ," has been from the beginning the means of initiation into
Christianity. At first it seems to have been administered chiefly to
adults after they had professed their faith and promised to amend their
lives, but this turned into a more inclusive practice with the baptism of
infants. The other universally accepted ritual among Christians is the Eucharist,
or Lord's Supper, in which Christians share in bread and wine and, through
them, express and acknowledge the reality of the presence of Christ as
they commemorate him in the communion of believers with one another. In
the form it acquired as it developed, the Eucharist became an elaborate
ceremony of consecration and adoration, the texts of which have been set
to music by numerous composers of masses. The Eucharist has also become
one of the chief points of conflict among the various Christian churches,
which disagree about the "presence" of Christ in the consecrated
bread and wine and about the effect of that presence upon those who
receive. See also Liturgy;
Mass;
Mass,
Musical Settings of.
Another
fundamental component of Christian faith and practice is the Christian
community itself—the church.
Some scholars question the assumption that Jesus intended to found a
church (the word church appears only twice in the Gospels), but his
followers were always convinced that his promise to be with them
"always, to the close of the age" found its fulfillment in his
"mystical body on earth," the holy catholic (universal) church.
The relation of this holy catholic church to the various ecclesiastical
organizations of worldwide Christendom is the source of major divisions
among these organizations. Roman Catholicism has tended to equate its own
institutional structure with the catholic church, as the common usage of
the latter term suggests, and some extreme Protestant groups have been
ready to claim that they, and they alone, represent the true visible
church. Increasingly, however, Christians of all segments have begun to
acknowledge that no one group has an exclusive right to call itself
"the" church, and they have begun to work toward the reunion of
all Christians. See Ecumenical
Movement; Protestantism;
Roman
Catholic Church.
B.
Worship
Whatever
its institutional form, the community of faith in the church is the
primary setting for Christian worship. Christians of all traditions have
placed a strong emphasis on private devotion and individual prayer, as
Jesus taught. But he also prescribed a form of praying, universally known
as the Lord's
Prayer, the opening words of which stress the communal nature of
worship: "Our Father, who art in heaven." Since New Testament
times, the stated day for the communal worship of Christians has been the
"first day of the week," Sunday, in commemoration of the
resurrection of Christ. Like the Jewish Sabbath,
Sunday is traditionally a day of rest. It is also the time when believers
gather to hear the reading and preaching of the word of God in the Bible,
to participate in the sacraments, and to pray, praise, and give thanks.
The needs of corporate worship have been responsible for the composition
of thousands of hymns, chorales, and chants, as well as instrumental
music, especially for the organ. Since the 4th century, Christian
communities have also been constructing special buildings for their
worship, thereby helping to shape the history of architecture. See Basilica;
Church;
Early
Christian Art and Architecture; Hymn;
Prayer.
C.
Christian Life
The
instruction and exhortation of Christian preaching and teaching concern
all the themes of doctrine and morals: the love of God and the love of
neighbor, the two chief commandments in the ethical message of Jesus (see
Matthew 22: 34-40). Application of these commandments to the concrete
situations of human life, both personal and social, does not produce a
uniformity of moral or political behavior. Many Christians, for example,
regard all drinking of alcoholic beverages as sinful, whereas others do
not. Christians can be found on both the far left and the far right of
many contemporary questions, as well as in the middle. Still it is
possible to speak of a Christian way of life, one that is informed by the
call to discipleship and service. The inherent worth of every person as
one who has been created in the image of God, the sanctity of human life
and thus of marriage and the family, the imperative to strive for justice
even in a fallen world—all of these are dynamic moral commitments that
Christians would accept, however much their own conduct may fall short of
these norms. It is evident already from the pages of the New Testament
that the task of working out the implications of the ethic of love under
the conditions of existence has always been difficult, and that there has,
in fact, never been a "golden age" in which it was otherwise.
D.
Eschatology
There
is in Christian doctrine, however, the prospect of such a time, expressed
in the Christian hope for everlasting life. Jesus spoke of this hope with
such urgency that many of his followers clearly expected the end of the
world and the coming of the eternal kingdom in their own lifetimes. Since
the 1st century such expectations have tended to ebb and flow, sometimes
reaching a fever of excitement and at other times receding to an apparent
acceptance of the world as it is. The creeds of the church speak of this
hope in the language of resurrection, a new life of participation in the
glory of the resurrected Christ. Christianity may therefore be said to be
an otherworldly religion, and sometimes it has been almost exclusively
that. But the Christian hope has also, throughout the history of the
church, served as a motivation to make life on earth conform more fully to
the will of God as revealed in Christ. See also Catechism;
Eschatology;
Second
Coming.
III.
History
Almost
all the information about Jesus himself and about early Christianity comes
from those who claimed to be his followers. Because they wrote to persuade
believers rather than to satisfy historical curiosity, this information
often raises more questions than it answers, and no one has ever succeeded
in harmonizing all of it into a coherent and completely satisfying
chronological account. Because of the nature of these sources, it is
impossible, except in a highly tentative way, to distinguish between the
original teachings of Jesus and the developing teachings about Jesus in
early Christian communities.
What
is known is that the person and message of Jesus of Nazareth early
attracted a following of those who believed him to be a new prophet. Their
recollections of his words and deeds, transmitted to posterity through
those who eventually composed the Gospels, recall Jesus' days on earth in
the light of experiences identified by early Christians with the miracle
of his resurrection
from the dead on the first Easter.
They concluded that what he had shown himself to be by the resurrection,
he must have been already when he walked among the inhabitants of
Palestine—and, indeed, must have been even before he was born of Mary,
in the very being of God from eternity. They drew upon the language of
their Scriptures (the Hebrew Bible, which Christians came to call the Old
Testament) to give an account of the reality, "ever ancient, ever
new," that they had learned to know as the apostles of Jesus Christ.
Believing that it had been his will and command that they should band
together in a new community, as the saving remnant of the people of
Israel, these Jewish Christians became the first church, in Jerusalem.
There it was that they believed themselves to be receiving his promised
gift of the Holy Spirit and of a new power.
A. The
Beginnings of the Church
Jerusalem
was the center of the Christian movement, at least until its destruction
by Roman armies in AD 70, but from this center Christianity
radiated to other cities and towns in Palestine and beyond. At first, its
appeal was largely, although not completely, confined to the adherents of Judaism,
to whom it presented itself as "new," not in the sense of novel
and brand-new, but in the sense of continuing and fulfilling what God had
promised to Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. Already in its very beginnings,
therefore, Christianity manifested a dual relation to the Jewish faith, a
relation of continuity and yet of fulfillment, of antithesis and yet of
affirmation. The forced conversions of Jews in the Middle Ages and the
history of anti-Semitism (despite official condemnations of both by church
leaders) are evidence that the antithesis could easily overshadow the
affirmation. The fateful loss of continuity with Judaism has, however,
never been total. Above all, the presence of so many elements of Judaism
in the Christian Bible has acted to remind Christians that he whom they
worshipped as their Lord was himself a Jew, and that the New Testament did
not stand on its own but was appended to the Old.
An
important source of the alienation of Christianity from its Jewish roots
was the change in the membership of the church that took place by the end
of the 2nd century (just when, and how, is uncertain). At some point,
Christians with Gentile backgrounds began to outnumber Jewish Christians.
Clearly, the work of the apostle Paul was influential. Born a Jew, he was
deeply involved in the destiny of Judaism, but as a result of his
conversion, he believed that he was the "chosen instrument" to
bring the message of Christ to the Gentiles. He was the one who
formulated, in his Epistles (see Epistle)
to several early Christian congregations, many of the ideas and terms that
were to constitute the core of Christian belief. He deserves the title of
the "first Christian theologian," and most theologians who came
after him based their concepts and systems on his Epistles, now collected
and codified in the New Testament. See also Paul,
Saint.
From
these Epistles and from other sources in the first two centuries it is
possible to gain some notion of how the early congregations were
organized. The Epistles to Timothy and to Titus bearing the name of Paul
(although many biblical scholars now find his authorship of these letters
implausible) show the beginnings of an organization based on an orderly
transmission of leadership from the generation of the first apostles
(including Paul himself) to subsequent "bishops," but the fluid
use of such terms as bishop,
presbyter, and deacon
in the documents precludes identification of a single and uniform policy.
By the 3rd century agreement was widespread about the authority of the
bishop as the link with the apostles. He was such a link, however, only if
in his life and teaching he adhered to the teaching of the apostles as
this was laid down in the New Testament and in the "deposit of
faith" transmitted by the apostolic churches.
B.
Councils and Creeds
Clarification
of this deposit became necessary when interpretations of the Christian
message arose that were deemed to be deviations from these norms. The most
important deviations, or heresies (see Heresy),
had to do with the person of Christ. Some theologians sought to protect
his holiness by denying that his humanity was like that of other human
beings; others sought to protect the monotheistic faith by making Christ a
lesser divine being than God the Father.
In
response to both of these tendencies, early creeds began the process of
specifying the divine in Christ, both in relation to the divine in the
Father and in relation to the human in Christ. The definitive formulations
of these relations came in a series of official church councils during the
4th and 5th centuries—notably the one at Nicaea in 325 and the one at
Chalcedon in 451—which stated the doctrines of the Trinity and of the
two natures of Christ in the form still accepted by most Christians (see Chalcedon,
Council of; Nicene
Creed). To arrive at these formulations, Christianity had to refine
its thought and language, creating in the process a philosophical theology,
both in Greek and in Latin, that was to be the dominant intellectual
system of Europe for more than a thousand years. The principal architect
of Western theology was Saint
Augustine of Hippo, whose literary output, including the classic Confessions
and The City of God, did more than any other body of writings,
except for the Bible itself, to shape that system.
C.
Persecution
First,
however, Christianity had to settle its relation to the political order.
As a Jewish sect, the primitive Christian church shared the status of
Judaism in the Roman Empire, but before the death of Emperor Nero in 68 it
had already been singled out as an enemy. The grounds for hostility to the
Christians were not always the same, and often opposition and persecution
were localized. The loyalty of Christians to "Jesus as Lord,"
however, was irreconcilable with the worship of the Roman emperor as
"Lord," and those emperors, such as Trajan and Marcus Aurelius,
who were the most deeply committed to unity and reform were also the ones
who recognized the Christians as a threat to those goals and who therefore
undertook to eliminate the threat. As in the history of other religions,
especially Islam,
opposition produced the exact contrary of its intended purpose, and, in
the epigram of the North African church father Tertullian, the "blood
of the martyrs" became the "seed of the church." By the
beginning of the 4th century, Christianity had grown so much in size and
in strength that it had to be either eradicated or accepted. Emperor
Diocletian tried to do the first and failed; Constantine the Great did the
second and created a Christian empire.
D.
Official Acceptance
The
conversion of Constantine
the Great assured the church a privileged place in society, and it
became easier to be a Christian than not to be one. As a result,
Christians began to feel that standards of Christian conduct were being
lowered and that the only way to obey the moral imperatives of Christ was
to flee the world (and the church that was in the world, perhaps even of
the world) and to follow the full-time profession of Christian discipline
as a monk. From its early beginnings in the Egyptian desert, with the
hermit St. Anthony, Christian monasticism
spread to many parts of the Christian empire during the 4th and 5th
centuries. Not only in Greek and Latin portions of the empire, but even
beyond its eastern borders, far into Asia, Christian monks devoted
themselves to prayer, asceticism, and service. They were to become, during
the Byzantine and medieval periods, the most powerful single force in the
Christianization of nonbelievers, in the renewal of worship and preaching,
and (despite the anti-intellectualism that repeatedly asserted itself in
their midst) in theology and scholarship. Most Christians today owe their
Christianity ultimately to the work of monks. See also Religious
Orders and Communities.
E.
Eastern Christianity
One
of the most influential acts of Constantine the Great was his decision in
330 to move the capital of the empire from Rome to "New Rome,"
the city of Byzantium at the eastern end of the Mediterranean Sea. The new
capital, Constantinople (now Istanbul), also became the intellectual and
religious focus of Eastern Christianity. While Western Christianity became
increasingly centralized, a pyramid the apex of which was the pope of Rome
(see Papacy),
the principal centers of the East—Constantinople, Jerusalem, Antioch,
and Alexandria—developed
autonomously. The emperor at Constantinople held a special place in the
life of the church. It was he, for example, who convoked and presided over
the general councils of the church, which were the supreme organ of
ecclesiastical legislation in both faith and morals. This special relation
between church and state, frequently (but with some oversimplification)
called Caesaropapism, fostered a Christian culture in which (as the great
Church of the Holy Wisdom at Constantinople, dedicated by Emperor
Justinian in 538, attests) the noblest achievements of the entire society
blended the elements of Christianity and of classical antiquity in a new
synthesis.
At
its worst, this culture could mean the subordination of the church to the
tyranny of the state. The crisis of the 8th century over the legitimacy of
the use of images in Christian churches was also a collision of the church
and the imperial power. Emperor Leo III prohibited images, thus
precipitating a struggle in which Eastern monks became the principal
defenders of the icons. Eventually the icons were restored, and with them
a measure of independence for the church (see Iconoclasm).
During the 7th and 8th centuries three of the four Eastern centers were
captured by the dynamic new faith of Islam, with only Constantinople
remaining unconquered. It, too, was often besieged and finally fell to the
Turks in 1453. The confrontation with the Muslims was not purely military,
however. Eastern Christians and the followers of the Prophet Muhammad
exerted influence on one another in intellectual, philosophical,
scientific, and even theological matters.
The
conflict over the images was so intense because it threatened the Eastern
church at its most vital point—its liturgy. Eastern Christianity was,
and still is, a way of worship and on that basis a way of life and a way
of belief. The Greek word orthodoxy, together with its Slavic
equivalent pravoslavie, refers to the correct form for giving
praise to God, which is finally inseparable from the right way of
confessing true doctrine about God and of living in accordance with the
will of God. This emphasis gave to Eastern liturgy and theology a quality
that Western observers, even in the Middle Ages, would characterize as
mystical, a quality enhanced by the strongly Neoplatonic strain in
Byzantine philosophy (see Neoplatonism).
Eastern monasticism, although often hostile to these philosophical
currents of thought, nonetheless practiced its devotional life under the
influence of writings of church fathers and theologians, such as St. Basil
of Caesarea, who had absorbed a Christian Hellenism in which many of these
emphases were at work.
All
these distinctive features of the Christian East—the lack of a
centralized authority, the close tie to the empire, the mystical and
liturgical tradition, the continuity with Greek language and culture, and
the isolation as a consequence of Muslim expansion—contributed also to
its increasing alienation from the West, which finally produced the
East-West schism. Historians have often dated the schism from 1054, when
Rome and Constantinople exchanged excommunications, but much can be said
for fixing the date at 1204. In that year, the Western Christian armies on
their way to wrest the Holy Land from the hand of the Turks (see Crusades)
attacked and ravaged the Christian city of Constantinople. Whatever the
date, the separation of East and West has continued into modern times,
despite repeated attempts at reconciliation.
Among
the points of controversy between Constantinople and Rome was the
evangelization of the Slavs, beginning in the 9th century. Although
several Slavic tribes—Poles, Moravs, Czechs, Slovaks, Croats, and
Slovenes—did end up in the orbit of the Western church, the vast
majority of Slavic peoples became Christians in the Eastern (Byzantine)
church. From its early foundations in Kyiv,
Ukraine, this Slavic Orthodoxy permeated Russia, where the features of
Eastern Christianity outlined above took firm hold. The autocratic
authority of the Muscovite tsar derived some of its sanctions from
Byzantine Caesaropapism, and Russian monasticism took over the ascetic and
devotional emphases cultivated by the Greek monasteries of Mount
Athos. The stress on cultural and ethnic autonomy meant that from its
beginnings Slavic Christianity had its own liturgical language (still
known as Old Church Slavic, or Slavonic), while it adapted to its uses the
architectural and artistic styles imported from the centers of Orthodoxy
in Greek-speaking territory. Also in the Eastern church were some of the
Balkan Slavs—Serbs, Montenegrins, Bosnians, and Slavic Macedonians; the
Bulgars, a Turkic people; Albanians, descendants of the ancient Illyrians;
and Romanians, a Romance people. During the centuries-long rule of the
Ottoman Turks in the Balkans some of the local Christian populations were
forced to embrace Islam, as, for example, some of the Bosnians, some of
the Bulgarians, and some of the Albanians.
See
also Byzantine
Empire; Eastern
Church; Eastern
Rite Churches; Orthodox
Church.
F.
Western Christianity
Although
Eastern Christianity was in many ways the direct heir of the early church,
some of the most dynamic development took place in the western part of the
Roman Empire. Of the many reasons for this development, two closely
related forces deserve particular mention: the growth of the papacy and
the migration of the Germanic peoples. When the capital of the empire
moved to Constantinople, the most powerful force remaining in Rome was its
bishop. The old city, which could trace its Christian faith to the
apostles Peter and Paul and which repeatedly acted as arbiter of orthodoxy
when other centers, including Constantinople, fell into heresy or schism,
was the capital of the Western church. It held this position when the
succeeding waves of tribes, in what used to be called the "barbarian
invasions," swept into Europe. Conversion of the invaders to Catholic
Christianity meant at the same time their incorporation into the
institution of which the bishop of Rome was the head, as the conversion of
the king of the Franks, Clovis
I, illustrates. As the political power of Constantinople over its
western provinces declined, separate Germanic kingdoms were created, and
finally, in 800, an independent Western "Roman empire" was born
when Charlemagne was crowned emperor by Pope Leo III. See Holy
Roman Empire.
Medieval
Christianity in the West, unlike its Eastern counterpart, was therefore a
single entity, or at any rate strove to be one. When a tribe became
Christian in the West, it learned Latin and often (as in the case of
France and Spain) lost its own language in the process. The language of
ancient Rome thus became the liturgical, literary, and scholarly speech of
western Europe. Archbishops and abbots, although wielding great power in
their own regions, were subordinate to the pope, despite his frequent
inability to enforce his claims. Theological controversies occurred during
the early centuries of the Middle Ages in the West, but they never assumed
the proportions that they did in the East. Nor did Western theology, at
least until after the year 1000, acquire the measure of philosophical
sophistication evident in the East. The long shadow of St. Augustine
continued to dominate Latin theology, and there was little independent
access to the speculations of the ancients.
The
image of cooperation between church and state, symbolized by the pope's
coronation of Charlemagne, must not be taken to mean that no conflict
existed between the two in the Middle Ages. On the contrary, they clashed
repeatedly over the delineation of their respective spheres of authority.
The most persistent source of such clashes was the right of the sovereign
to appoint bishops in his realm (lay investiture), which brought Pope
Gregory VII and Holy Roman Emperor Henry IV to a deadlock in 1075. The
pope excommunicated the emperor, and the emperor refused to acknowledge
Gregory as pope. They were temporarily reconciled when Henry subjected
himself in penance to the pope at Canossa in 1077, but the tension
continued. A similar issue was at stake in the excommunication of King
John of England by Pope Innocent III in 1209, which ended with the king's
submission four years later. The basis of these disputes was the complex
involvement of the church in feudal society. Bishops and abbots
administered great amounts of land and other wealth and were thus a major
economic and political force, over which the king had to exercise some
control if he was to assert his authority over his secular nobility. On
the other hand, the papacy could not afford to let a national church
become the puppet of a political regime. See Investiture
Controversy.
Church
and state did cooperate by closing ranks against a common foe in the Crusades.
The Muslim conquest of Jerusalem meant that the holy places associated
with the life of Jesus were under the control of a non-Christian power;
and even though the reports of interference with Christian pilgrims were
often highly exaggerated, the conviction grew that it was the will of God
for Christian armies to liberate the Holy Land. Beginning with the First
Crusade in 1095, the campaigns of liberation did manage to establish a
Latin kingdom and patriarchate in Jerusalem, but Jerusalem returned to
Muslim rule a century later and within 200 years the last Christian
outpost had fallen. In this sense the Crusades were a failure, or even (in
the case of the Fourth Crusade of 1202-04, mentioned above) a disaster.
They did not permanently restore Christian rule to the Holy Land, and they
did not unify the West either ecclesiastically or politically.
A
more impressive achievement of the medieval church during the period of
the Crusades was the development of Scholastic philosophy and theology.
Building as always on the foundations of the thought of St. Augustine,
Latin theologians turned their attention to the relation between the
knowledge of God attainable by unaided human reason and the knowledge
communicated by revelation. Saint
Anselm took as his motto "I believe in order that I might
understand" and constructed a proof for the existence of God based on
the structure of human thought itself (the ontological argument). About
the same time, Peter
Abelard was examining the contradictions between various strains in
the doctrinal tradition of the church, with a view toward developing
methods of harmonization. These two tasks dominated the thinking of the
12th and 13th centuries, until the recovery of the lost works of Aristotle
made available a set of definitions and distinctions that could be applied
to both. The philosophical theology of Saint
Thomas Aquinas sought to do justice to the natural knowledge of God
while at the same time exalting the revealed knowledge in the gospel, and
it wove the disparate parts of the tradition into a unified whole.
Together with such contemporaries as St. Bonaventure, Aquinas represents
the intellectual ideal of medieval Christianity. See also Scholasticism.
Even
by the time Aquinas died, however, storms were beginning to gather over
the Western church. In 1309 the papacy fled from Rome to Avignon, where it
remained until 1377 in the so-called Babylonian Captivity of the church.
This was followed by the Great Schism (see Schism,
Great), during which there were two (and sometimes even three)
claimants to the papal throne. That was not resolved until 1417, but the
reunited papacy could not regain control or even respect.
G.
Reformation and Counter Reformation
Print
section
Reformers
of different kinds—including John
Wycliffe, John
Huss (Jan Hus), and Girolamo
Savonarola—denounced the moral laxity and financial corruption that
had infected the church "in its members and in its head" and
called for radical change. Profound social and political changes were
taking place in the West, with the awakening of national consciousness and
the increasing strength of the cities in which a new merchant class came
into its own. The Protestant Reformation may be seen as the convergence of
such forces as the call for reform in the church, the growth of
nationalism, and the emergence of the "spirit of capitalism."
Martin
Luther was the catalyst that precipitated the new movement. His
personal struggle for religious certainty led him, against his will, to
question the medieval system of salvation and the very authority of the
church, and his excommunication by Pope Leo
X proved to be an irreversible step toward the division of Western
Christendom. Nor was the movement confined to Luther's Germany. Native
reform movements in Switzerland found leadership in Huldreich
Zwingli and especially in John
Calvin, whose Institutes of the Christian Religion became the
most influential summary of the new theology. The English Reformation,
provoked by the troubles of King Henry VIII, reflected the influence of
the Lutheran and then of the Calvinistic reforms, but went its own
"middle way," retaining Catholic elements such as the historic
episcopate alongside Protestant elements such as the sole authority of the
Bible. The thought of Calvin helped in his native France to create the
Huguenot party (see Huguenots),
which was fiercely opposed by both church and state, but finally achieved
recognition with the Edict of Nantes in 1598 (ultimately revoked in 1685).
The more radical Reformation groups, notably the Anabaptists,
set themselves against other Protestants as well as against Rome,
rejecting such long-established practices as infant baptism and sometimes
even such dogmas as the Trinity and denouncing the alliance of church and
state. See also Calvinism;
Lutheranism;
Presbyterianism.
That
alliance helped to determine the outcome of the Reformation, which
succeeded where it gained the support of the new national states. As a
consequence of these ties to the rising national spirit, the Reformation
helped to created the literary monuments—especially translations of the
Bible—that decisively shaped the language and the spirit of the peoples.
It also gave fresh stimulus to biblical preaching and to worship in the
vernacular, for which a new hymnody came into being. Because of its
emphasis on the participation of all believers in worship and confession,
the Reformation developed systems for instruction in doctrine and ethics,
especially in the form of catechisms, and an ethic of service in the
world.
The
Protestant Reformation did not exhaust the spirit of reform within the
Roman Catholic church. In response both to the Protestant challenge and to
its own needs, the church summoned the Council of Trent (see Trent,
Council of), which continued over the years 1545-63, giving definitive
formulation to doctrines at issue and legislating practical reforms in
liturgy, church administration, and education. Responsibility for carrying
out the actions of the council fell in considerable measure on the Society
of Jesus, formed by St. Ignatius of Loyola (see Jesuits).
The chronological coincidence of the discovery of the New World and the
Reformation was seen as a providential opportunity to evangelize those who
had never heard the gospel. Trent on the Roman Catholic side and the
several confessions of faith on the Protestant side had the effect of
making the divisions permanent. See also Confession.
In
one respect the divisions were not permanent, for new divisions continued
to appear. Historically, the most noteworthy of these were probably the
ones that arose in the Church
of England. The Puritans objected to the "remnants of
popery" in the liturgical and institutional life of Anglicanism and
pressed for a further reformation. Because of the Anglican union of throne
and altar, this agitation had direct—and, as it turned out,
violent—political consequences, climaxing in the English Revolution and
the execution of King Charles I in 1649. Puritanism
found its most complete expression, both politically and theologically, in
North America. The Pietists of the Lutheran and Calvinist churches of
Europe usually managed to remain within the establishment as a party
instead of forming a separate church, but Pietism
shaped the outlook of many among the Continental groups who came to North
America. European Pietism also found an echo in England, where it was a
significant force in the life and thought of John Wesley, the founder of
the Methodist movement (see Methodism).
See
also Counter
Reformation; Reformation.
H. The
Modern Period
Already
during the Renaissance and Reformation, but even more in the 17th and 18th
centuries, it was evident that Christianity would be obliged to define and
to defend itself in response to the rise of modern science and philosophy.
That problem made its presence known in all the churches, albeit in
different ways. The condemnation of Galileo
Galilei by the Inquisition
on suspicion of heresy was eventually to find its Protestant equivalent in
the controversies over the implications of the theory of evolution
for the biblical account of creation.
Against other modern movements, too, Christianity frequently found itself
on the defensive. The critical-historical method of studying the Bible,
which began in the 17th century, seemed to threaten the authority of
Scripture, and the rationalism of the Enlightenment was condemned as a
source of religious indifference and anticlericalism (see Biblical
Scholarship; Enlightenment,
Age of). Because of its emphasis on the human capacity to determine
human destiny, even democracy could fall under condemnation. The
increasing secularization of society removed the control of the church
from areas of life, especially education, over which it had once been
dominant.
Partly
a cause and partly a result of this situation was the fundamental
redefinition of the relation between Christianity and the civil order. The
granting of religious toleration to minority faiths and then the gradual
separation of church and state represented a departure from the system
that had, with many variations, held sway since the conversion of
Constantine the Great and is, in the opinion of many scholars, the most
far-reaching change in the modern history of Christianity. Carried to its
logical conclusion, it seemed to many to imply both a reconsideration of
how the various groups and traditions calling themselves Christian were
related to one another and a reexamination of how all of them taken
together were related to other religious traditions. Both of these
implications have played an even larger role in the 19th and 20th
centuries. See Church
and State.
The
ecumenical
movement has been a major force for bringing together, at least toward
better understanding and sometimes even toward reunion, Christian
denominations that had long been separated. At the Second
Vatican Council, the Roman Catholic church took important steps toward
reconciliation both with the East and with Protestantism. That same
council likewise expressed, for the first time in an official forum, a
positive appreciation of the genuine spiritual power present in the world
religions. A special case is the relation between Christianity and its
parent, Judaism; after many centuries of hostility and even persecution,
the two faiths have moved toward a closer degree of mutual understanding
than at any time since the 1st century. See Vatican
Council, Second.
The
reactions of the churches to their changed situation in the modern period
have also included an unprecedented increase in theological interest. Such
Protestant theologians as Jonathan
Edwards and Friedrich
Schleiermacher and such Roman Catholic thinkers as Blaise
Pascal and John
Henry Newman took up the reorientation of the traditional apologias
for the faith, drawing upon religious experience as a validation of the
reality of the divine. The 19th century was preeminently the time of
historical research into the development of Christian ideas and
institutions. This research indicated to many that no particular form of
doctrine or church structure could claim to be absolute and final, but it
also provided other theologians with new resources for reinterpreting the
Christian message. Literary investigation of the biblical books, although
regarded with suspicion by many conservatives, led to new insights into
how the Bible had been composed and assembled. And the study of the
liturgy, combined with a recognition that ancient forms did not always
make sense to the modern era, stimulated the reform of worship.
The
ambivalent relation of the Christian faith to modern culture, evident in
all these trends, is discernible also in the role it has played in social
and political history. Christians were found on both sides of the
19th-century debates over slavery, and both used biblical arguments. Much
of the inspiration for revolutions, from the French to the Russian, was
explicitly anti-Christian. Particularly under 20th-century Marxist
regimes, Christians have been oppressed for their faith, and their
traditional beliefs have been denounced as reactionary. Nevertheless, the
revolutionary faith has frequently drawn from Christian sources. Mohandas
K. Gandhi maintained that he was acting in the spirit of Jesus Christ, and
Martin Luther King, Jr., the martyred leader of the world movement for
civil rights, was a Protestant preacher who strove to make the teachings
of the Sermon on the Mount the basis of his political program.
By
the last quarter of the 20th century, the missionary
movements of the church had carried the Christian faith throughout the
world. A characteristic of modern times, however, has been the change in
leadership of the "daughter" or mission churches. Since World
War II national leaders have increasingly taken over from Westerners in
Roman Catholic, Anglican, and Protestant churches in the Third World. The
adaptations of native customs pose problems of theology and tradition, as,
for example, African polygamists attempt to live Christian family lives.
The merger of denominations in churches such as the United Church of
Canada may alter the nature of some of the component groups. Thus, change
continues to challenge Christianity.
For
additional information, see articles on individual Christian denominations
and biographies of those persons whose names are not followed by dates.